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The rhetoric of health and medicine is an academic discipline concerning the role of language and symbols within the practices and structures of health and medicine.〔Segal, Judy Z. ''Health and the Rhetoric of Medicine.'' Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 2005. Print.〕 Rhetoric most commonly refers to the persuasive element in human interactions and is often best studied in the specific situations in which it occurs. The rhetoric of health and medicine specifically creates, analyzes, and criticizes how messages are delivered and structured in medicine- and health-related contexts. Practitioners from the rhetoric of health and medicine field hail from a variety of disciplines, including English studies, communication studies, and health humanities. Through methods such as close readings, audience surveys, and usability tests, researchers in this sphere recognize the importance of communication to successful healthcare.〔Mirel,Barbara, Ellen Barton, and Mark Ackerman. "Researching Telemedicine: Capturing Complex Clinical Interactions with a Simple Interface Design." ''Technical Communication Quarterly'' 17.3 (2008): 358-378.〕 They often focus on topics ranging from patient-physician communication, to health literacy, to the language that constructs disease knowledge. == History of the field == The rhetoric of health and medicine is tied to the emergence of rhetoric of science in the early 1970s and 1980s.〔Segal, Judy Z. "Interdisciplinarity and Bibliography in Rhetoric of Health and Medicine." ''Technical Communication Quarterly'' 14.3 (2005): 311-318.〕 Contemporary theorists such as Kenneth Burke, Michel Foucault, Thomas Kuhn, Bruno Latour and Steve Woolgar, laid the theoretical groundwork for this early interest in the persuasive dimensions of scientific language. In the 1980's the field saw a shift when rhetorical critics like Martha Solomon and Charles Anderson began analyzing texts on biomedicine, thereby focusing on a medical-related rhetorical object. Solomon analyzed the rhetoric used in medical reports during the Tuskegee Syphilis Project, while Anderson examined the writings of surgeon Richard Selzer to comment on the rhetoric of surgery. In the 1990s, the rhetoric of health and medicine emerged more clearly as a field distinct from rhetoric of science. Rhetorical scholar Celeste Condit raised questions about the historical and rhetorical dimensions of issues like abortion and genetics in works like 1990's ''Decoding Abortion Rhetoric: Communicating Social Change'' and 1999's ''The Meanings of the Gene: Public Debates about Heredity''. In these seminal works, Condit focused on what she called "rhetorical formations," or the multiple simultaneous discourses that surrounded each rhetorical object. The field also saw the rise of discussion on disability studies and illness narratives during the 1990s, which initiated the beginning of a Special Interest Group on disability studies at the annual Conference on College Composition and Communication (CCCC), headed by Brenda Jo Brueggemann. The initiation of this group then inspired a Medical Rhetoric Special Interest Group, headed by Barbara Heifferon, which has continued to meet annually to present day. In the early 21st century, scholars began to pay increasing attention to various topics in the rhetoric of health and medicine. J. Blake Scott’s 2003 book ''Risky Rhetoric: AIDS and the Cultural Practices of HIV Testing'' used Michel Foucault's theory of examination, which defines rhetoric as a form of disciplinary power, to examine the cultural condition that influence HIV testing. He reported that the rhetoric used in public policy and various propaganda led to the stigmatization and discrimination of people with HIV/AIDS. In 2005, Judy Segal’s ''Health and the Rhetoric of Medicine'' gained recognition for highlighting the persuasive elements in diagnoses, health policies, illness experiences, and illness narratives. She also addressed direct-to-consumer advertising of prescription drugs, the role of health information in creating the "worried well," and problems of trust and expertise in doctor-patient relationships. In 2010, Lisa Keränen’s ''Scientific Characters: Rhetoric, Politics, and Trust in Breast Cancer Research'' addressed issues of research viability and relationships among scientists, patients, and advocates. Kimberly Emmons’ work on the rhetoric surrounding depression, ''Black Dogs and Blue Words: Depression and Gender in the Age of Self-Care'', was published the same year. Several communication journals, including ''Journal of Business and Technical Communication,''〔Barton, Ellen. “Introduction to the Special Issue: The Discourses of Medicine.” ''Journal of Business and Technical Communication 19.3 (2005): 245-248.''〕 ''Technical Communication Quarterly'',〔Koerber, Amy, and Brian Still. “Guest Editor’s Introduction: Online Health Communication.” ''Technical Communication Quarterly'' 17.3 (2008): 259-263.〕 and ''Present Tense''〔Angeli, Elizabeth L., et al. “(Our First Special Issue: Medical, Gender, and Body Rhetorics. )” ''Present Tense: A Journal of Rhetoric in Society'' 2.2 (2012). Web.〕 have also recently published special issues on themes related to the rhetoric of health and medicine. Scholars in the field also began a biennial symposium, Discourses of Health and Medicine, in 2013 and met again in 2015. 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「Rhetoric of health and medicine」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
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